Arvind Kejriwal: Modi's Biggest Nightmare This Election Season

On Saturday, in a significant event marking his release, AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal held his first press conference at 1 p.m after walking out of Tihar Jail on Friday, having secured an interim bail from the Supreme Court until June 1. During this critical juncture of the election season, many who closely follow politics on television anticipated widespread media coverage. Given the extensive coverage of Prime Minister Modi and Amit Shah's rallies, it seemed reasonable to expect similar attention to Kejriwal's press conference. Surprisingly, many national media outlets chose to overlook this event. Some gave it partial coverage, while others opted to air commercials or shift focus to other BJP-related news. In contrast, numerous regional news channels, including several Malayalam outlets, committed to broadcasting the entire press conference. 

During an election season, the role of the media in shaping public opinion cannot be understated. When media outlets engage in selective reporting, obstructing the dissemination of key information, and then skew their analysis with propagandistic overtones, it raises serious questions about their integrity and objectivity.

It has become increasingly evident that the BJP's approach this election season has intensified, adopting tactics that stoke fears and exploit divisions. The party has aggressively sought votes by invoking the threat of Pakistan, engaging in communal rhetoric between Hindus and Muslims, and politicising religious symbols. Additionally, they have misrepresented the Congress party’s manifesto and cloaked their campaign in the guise of combating corruption. Regrettably, there appears to be a marked absence of discourse on substantive policies that would offer relief to the common man from escalating prices, address the urgent need for job creation or address real issues that affect the everyday lives of citizens.

Apart from fear mongering, the party has also been widely talking about anti-corruption in its election speeches of Modi and Shah, which has clearly not augured well with the masses for many reasons. It is perhaps time for the BJP to reevaluate its public discourse on anti-corruption. The electoral bond scheme, recently deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, starkly contradicts their proclaimed stance against corruption. This scheme allowed political parties to receive funds from anonymous donors, a practice that fundamentally undermines transparency in political financing. It was revealed that electoral bonds worth ₹16,492 crore were redeemed across thirty phases from March 1, 2018, to January 11, 2024, with the BJP accounting for half of these redemptions, totaling ₹8,252 crore. Further investigative reports have surfaced, indicating that the BJP coerced contributions from various companies, including those suffering losses, by threatening severe repercussions for non-compliance. All this, casts a long shadow on the BJP’s credibility to champion anti-corruption as a cause to garner votes from the masses. 

In this context, Arvind Kejriwal's messages have found a significant resonance among voters. While Prime Minister Modi's remarks often stretch the truth, sometimes verging on outright falsehoods, Kejriwal has consistently presented facts that reflect recent developments in Indian politics—developments that the public has directly observed. This stark contrast between the two leaders' approaches has not gone unnoticed. As voters witness the unfolding political landscape, the authenticity and reliability of Kejriwal's assertions have strengthened his appeal, setting him apart in a political arena fraught with misinformation and rhetorical exaggerations.

For example, in his first press conference after his release on interim bail, Arvind Kejriwal said: "Initially, PM Modi accused certain individuals of being involved in a corruption case amounting to 70,000 crore rupees. However, within a few days, these same individuals were appointed as Deputy Chief Minister and ministers." 

Allegiance vs. Accountability: BJP's Contradictory Stance on Corruption

This pattern of contradiction is not isolated. For instance, shortly after leaving the Congress, Naveen Jindal, who leads the steel and power giant Jindal Steel and Power (JSPL) and is implicated in the coal scam, was issued a BJP ticket. This is particularly striking given the BJP's vocal criticism of the Congress for the same coal scam. The decision to welcome Jindal, a longstanding Congress leader and a coal scam accused, into BJP ranks calls into question the consistency of the party's anti-corruption rhetoric. 

Moreover, Gali Janardhan Reddy, a central figure in the mining scandals during BJP’s 2008 tenure, has recently rejoined the party by merging his Kalyana Rajya Pragathi Paksha (KRPP) with the BJP. These cases exemplify the dissonance between the BJP's declared stance against corruption and its actions, which often contradict this stated commitment.

The BJP-led government's approach to handling corruption cases involving politicians further illustrates a troubling trend. Many cases against politicians from a spectrum of parties—including Congress, NCP, Shiv Sena, SP, YSRCP, TDP, and TMC—have been either dismissed or have stalled significantly after these individuals aligned with the BJP or the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). This pattern is popularly critiqued by the opposition as the cases being "washed away" in the BJP’s metaphorical “washing machine”. 

The cases of Ajit Pawar and Praful Patel serve as particularly striking examples of how political alliances may influence legal outcomes. Ajit Pawar, who became an ally of the BJP in Maharashtra following a split in the NCP, was previously accused in an irrigation scam. Remarkably, after his alignment with the NDA, the Mumbai Economic Offences Wing (EOW) reversed its stance, declaring that their investigation found little of substance in the case against Pawar.

Similarly, Praful Patel faced serious allegations related to the merger of Air India and Indian Airlines—issues of serious concern given the financial implications for the national carriers. However, following his incorporation into the NDA, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) abruptly closed the case against him.

The pattern is further exemplified by the cases of Assam CM Hemant Biswa Sarma and Suvendhu Adhikari. Sarma, despite facing various charges, joined the BJP in 2015, after which inquiries into his cases conspicuously slowed down. Similarly, Adhikari, formerly with the TMC and accused in the Narada sting operation case, saw a notable cessation of legal scrutiny upon his transition to the BJP.

This recurring scenario, where legal proceedings against politicians stall or are dropped altogether following their alignment with the BJP or NDA, has led to perceptions of selective justice. It suggests a troubling implication that political allegiance to the BJP or NDA might shield individuals from accountability. 

It is this “washing machine politics of the BJP” that Arvind Kejriwal spoke about on Saturday which most national media conveniently decided to downplay. He articulated concerns regarding Prime Minister Modi's centralising ambitions, encapsulated in what Kejriwal calls the "One Nation, One Leader" mission. According to Kejriwal, this mission aims not only to incarcerate leading figures from the opposition, such as himself, Manish Sisodia, Sanjay Singh, Satyender Jain, Hemant Soren, and several key allies of Mamata Banerjee and M.K. Stalin but also to target senior leaders within Modi's own party, the BJP. 

Kejriwal warned that if Modi were to win the upcoming elections, the incarceration of opposition leaders would not only continue but intensify, potentially affecting figures like Mamata Banerjee, Tejashwi Yadav, M.K. Stalin, Pinarayi Vijayan, and Uddhav Thackeray. 

Interestingly, Kejriwal states that Modi's quest for centralisation of power extends even to the BJP's internal dynamics. Kejriwal warns that a third term for Modi could result in the sidelining or complete political neutralisation of other prominent BJP figures, much like what happened to leaders such as L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Sumitra Mahajan, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Vasundhara Raje, Manohar Lal Khattar, and Dr. Raman Singh. He also states that Yogi Adityanath, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh’s political career would be jeopardised should Modi win the elections. 

While many national media outlets may choose to overlook Kejriwal's critiques, the importance of his release on bail should not be underestimated. His return to active campaigning in the final phases of the elections is likely to galvanise opposition unity, drawing together diverse forces that stand against the current administration. This burgeoning alliance represents a formidable challenge for Modi and could prove to be a major political inconvenience. 

Also, what Arvind Kejriwal asks is this question: "They (BJP) ask the INDIA Bloc, 'Who is going to be your Prime Minister?' I want to ask the BJP, 'Who will be your Prime Minister? Modi is turning 75 next year by September 17th. In 2014, Modi himself made the rule that in BJP whoever completes 75 years of age will be retired. First, they got Advani retired. After that, they got Murli Manohar Joshi retired. After that, they got Sumitra Mahajan retired. Then they got Yashwant Sinha retired. Next year, Modi will also retire. Then I want to ask the BJP, who then is your PM candidate? If the BJP comes to power... within two months they will finish Yogi ji and after that Modi will make his favourite Amit Shah the next Prime Minister of the country. I want to warn the people of the country, Modi is not asking for votes for himself. He is seeking votes to make Amit Shah the next Prime Minister."

Union Home Minister Amit Shah was quick to retort, immediately assuring that Prime Minister Narendra Modi would complete his third term. Shah, addressing an election rally in Telangana, said, "I tell Arvind Kejriwal and the INDIA Bloc that there is no need to be happy about Modiji turning 75. It is not written in the constitution of the BJP that Modi ji cannot become Prime Minister. He will again become Prime Minister and complete the term."

It is true that in 2014, Modi himself introduced the rule that leaders above 75 should not hold any administrative posts in Central or state governments. Following this, ex-Gujarat Chief Minister Anandiben Patel decided to offer her resignation. Because of the age bar, before Patel, former Union Minister for Minority Affairs Najma Heptulla also resigned. It is because of this very same rule that after the BJP won the 2014 general elections, the party decided to form the Margdarshak Mandal, with former Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani and former Union Minister Murli Manohar Joshi as its members and decided not to give them any significant posts in the ministry.

If the BJP intends to make an impact in the remaining phases of the elections, it should shift from rhetoric to reality. The rhetoric involving the distortion of facts, misleading statements, and religious appeals is unlikely to captivate voters any longer. If the BJP aims to make a mark, it must present facts and counter opposition’s claims with concrete evidence if they have any to support their claims. Otherwise, it appears that Arvind Kejriwal, along with the INDIA Bloc, may just steal the show.

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